By Wolfgang U. Dressler, Martin Prinzhorn, John R. Rennison
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Extra info for Advances in Morphology
Lees 1960). See also Lebeaux (1986). For a proposal similar to our own, especially with respect to Hebrew, see Hazout (1988, to appear). A variant of this proposal, The morphology-syntax 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. interface 27 assuming a neutral projection embedded under a nominalizer appears in Ouhalla (1990). Even more recently, see Valois (1991). This conclusion is also compatible with the analysis advanced by Ritter (1987) and much subsequent work, according to which an Ν head is raised to a D head, thereby generating an NSO order.
56 Aaron Halpern This is reminiscent of the proposal of Cohn (1989) for Indonesian. However, two sorts of problems arise. On the one hand, it requires late reference to the stem boundary, violating the sort of locality of morphological effects which Bracket Erasure (Kiparsky 1982) is intended to ensure. On the other hand, it does not provide for the conjunct-internal domain which was mentioned in connection with Low-Tone Deletion. A final option to mention is the idea that the underlying representation of the conjunct prefixes specify them as forming separate prosodic constituents, as per one interpretation of Nespor - Vogel's (1986) discussion of Italian and Hungarian prefixes — see also Vogel's contribution in this volume.
However, as indicated briefly in (22)-(27), the conditions on clitic ordering clearly do not respect the predictions of the incorporation approach, with clitic order often being sensitive to factors other than syntactic function. AUX) (23) Ngiyambaa: PART* < I < II < 3 N O M < 3GEN < 3ABS (Donaldson 1980) (24) Spanish: II < I < III (25) French: I/II < 3ACC < 3DAT < y < en (26) Tagalog: mono-syl. < PART < di-syl. (Schachter 1973) (27) Pashto: clitics with entirely distinct functions but the same shape appear in the same position (Tegey 1978).
Advances in Morphology by Wolfgang U. Dressler, Martin Prinzhorn, John R. Rennison