By Claude Hagège
This pioneering research is predicated on an research of over 2 hundred languages, together with African, Amerindian, Australian, Austronesian, Indo-European and Eurasian (Altaic, Caucasian, Chukotko-Kamchatkan, Dravidian, Uralic), Papuan, and Sino-Tibetan. Adpositions are a nearly common a part of speech. English has prepositions; a few languages, akin to eastern, have postpositions; others have either; and but others types that aren't really both. As grammatical instruments they mark the connection among components of a sentence: commonly one aspect governs a noun or noun-like observe or word whereas the opposite features as a predicate. From the syntactic viewpoint, the supplement of an adposition will depend on a head: during this final sentence, for instance, a head is the supplement of on whereas on a head is determined by relies and on is the marker of this dependency. Adpositions lie on the middle of the grammar of so much languages, their usefulness making them recurrent in daily speech and writing. Claude Hagege examines their morphological positive factors, syntactic capabilities, and semantic and cognitive homes. He does so for the subsets either one of adpositions that categorical the relatives of agent, sufferer, and beneficiary, and of these which mark house, time, accompaniment, or device. Adpositions frequently govern case and are often progressively grammaticalized into case. the writer considers the total set of functionality markers, together with case, that seem as adpositions and, in doing so, throws gentle on techniques of morphological and syntactic switch in several languages and language households. His ebook should be welcomed by means of typologists and via syntacticians and morphologists of all theoretical stripes.
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Extra info for Adpositions
Terms like child-of) are more likely to be incorporated than nouns of other semantic groups (see Zhivov (1978); see Merlan (1976:188) for a functional explanation). g. Australian languages – N. Evans (1996), Walsh (1996) – or Palikur, an Arawak language from Brazil – Aikhenvald and Green (1998)). In most Amazonian languages (Guahibo, Nad¨eb) only obligatorily possessed nouns can be incorporated. In most cases, members of closed classes cannot be incorporated. ’ (Dixon (1988:227)). Further restrictions on incorporability of nouns follow from their referential properties.
Bow-wow; the imitation of bird cries in words like English twitter, chirp; German zwitschern; Russian cˇ irik-at’; Modern Greek teret-izo (Dressler (1987:101)); or the imitation of the actual sound in Russian oh-at’ ‘say “oh” as a sign of distress’, or Tariana h-meni ‘say “ih” [a frightening sound]’. g. English cuckoo, Tariana keɾekeɾe ‘sparrow’ (see further examples in Berlin (1994)). Further examples of iconicity within the lexicon are given by Crowley (1992:35–7). Groups of roots or affixes which arguably contain a sound-symbolic (or iconic) formative smaller than a morpheme constitute a problem for morphological analysis.
2 Unmotivated extensions of this term to various kinds of derivations abound in Baker (1988, 1995). 3 (iii)Incorporation of a suppletive or reduced stem. Special suppletive or semisuppletive stems, distinct from the noun root, are found in a few Northern Australian languages. Example (19), from Traditional Tiwi, illustrates the incorporation of two constituents (Lee (1987:164)). The free form for incorporated kiji ‘stick’ is taŋini (Osborne (1974:49)), and that for maripi ‘chest’ is pipwa (1974:50).
Adpositions by Claude Hagège